9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil

9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil

9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil. Tal día como hoy en 1822, el joven príncipe Pedro de Portugal, de 22 años, decide desobedecer las órdenes directas de su padre João VI, monarca portugués, y decide establecerse en Brasil. Esta decisión venía precedida de un período de crisis que culmina en 1821 con la disolución del Gobierno central en Río de Janeiro.

Este hecho es visto por parte del pueblo de Brasil como un intento por parte del rey de Portugal para que Brasil se convirtiera de nuevo en colonia portuguesa; tendría que haber dejado de serlo en 1815, y se reemprendería el conflicto entre portugueses liderados por el general Jorge de Avilez y el pueblo de Brasil.

9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil. Pedro de Portugal, de apenas 22 años, desafía a su padre João VI

Con la situación salida de control llegarían al príncipe Pedro, a sabiendas de que a diferencia de su padre era un firme defensor del liberalismo. Más de 8.000 firmas suplicando que desobedeciendo las órdenes de su padre se quedara en Brasil y se opusiera a Avilez. Ante esta petición, Pedro decidiría quedarse y hacer frente a Avilez.

Sin embargo, este hecho supondría el inicio de un enfrentamiento entre padre e hijo que acabaría con la proclamación de independencia de Brasil con Pedro I como emperador el 7 de septiembre de este mismo año. El reconocimiento por parte de Portugal, pero, no llegó hasta 1825. Un año más tarde Pedro I de Brasil abandonaría el continente americano para ser coronado en Lisboa como rey de Portugal; donde sería recordado como el Rey Soldado.

9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil

9 de enero de 1822 Se inicia el conflicto entre Portugal y Brasil, entre Pedro de Portugal y su padre João VI.

Interview with Siddhartha Mukherjee

Although he is primarily known as a physician and researcher, Siddhartha Mukherjee has also written about the history of medicine and genetics in works such as “The Emperor of All Evil: A Biography of Cancer.” Although he is primarily known as A physician and researcher, Siddhartha Mukherjee has also written about the history of medicine and genetics in works such as The Emperor of All Evil: A Biography of Cancer.

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The concept of nation

The concept of nation, as it is understood nowadays, will not appear until the beginning of the 19th century, although it is true that the term nations derived from nascor (to be born) had already appeared in the Middle Ages, it was only used to bring together groups of people born in the same place, especially to differentiate university students into groups according to origin. The word nation as we understand it today, equivalent to a certain extent to town, appears with romanticism and it is during the French Revolution when it begins to become popular, a concept closely linked to freedom and equality. Until Napoleon would export it around the world as a standard.

Starting from this introduction, it is observed that the term nation is of recent creation and as we will see below it is extremely confusing since it has no definition or delimitation. For this reason one can link the term to feelings of all kinds and that would go through the whole spectrum, from the most positive to the most negative. In fact, we could say that this term evokes in almost equal parts a feeling of identification or union as of frontal rejection.

From here another problem appears to us, what basis is attributed to this presumed nation. In the same way that some appeal to language, others consider that the pillar is religion, or the territorial border, or race, in a common history… Ernest Renan already in 1882 tried to solve this problem by discarding one by one these factors until establishing that only the collective will to establish a nation was the only common basis in all cases. A statement that would eventually be answered both from sociology and from philosophy.

Overcoming the first vicissitudes we arrive at the concept of nationalism, which according to Hobsbawm in Nations and Nationalisms since 1780, would be defined as a modern ideology based on a collective consciousness shared by all members which is added to a need to establish their own State. From this basis it is clear that all nationalists believe that there is at least one nation, their own. This logic is what leads some to think that humanity is divided into nations and for there to be a world order each nation must correspond to a state. It is observed, therefore, that even if there is no common definition accepted by everyone and that a large part of humans only know that they are part of one, no nationalist will doubt the existence of his own nation, already that the feeling of nationalism often tends to resemble in a great way the belief in God due to its high component of irrationality.

The concept of nation: current applications

This nation defined by nationalists has many of its own characteristics, many unique, which go from a language of its own to identity values ​​and material elements or not, which bring together all those who are part of it. Moreover, in many cases this nation is usually in constant danger of falling apart because of the loss or abandonment of identifying features by its members or because of external threats in the form of other nations who conspire in a vile way against they. That is why it is not strange to see that there are many individuals willing to defend their nation against these threats, risking their lives if necessary since a human life is insignificant in front of the immortal and timeless concept of the homeland.

The national State relies on individuals like these to maintain its unity, using two instruments, the Army which must be in charge of defending political integrity and independence against any external threat and national education, which will avoid internal disintegration by defending the national culture. From there, the feeling of nationalism is exalted so that there comes a point where this nationalism becomes almost a secularized religion.

In some cases indeed, especially in the western part of the globe, the feeling of nationalism has replaced the gods as objects of veneration. In this way, a concept that has a difficult definition in the political sphere has become a contagious feeling that has been spreading around the planet, in different forms, but that in all cases leads to a greater or lesser extent doses of religious naivety in addition to in no way satisfying the hopes that had been placed at the beginning, thus breaking the promises made at first.

The first unfulfilled promise of nationalisms was to end all wars, precisely because of this order it would supposedly appear in the world once all nations had been defined as such since we must not forget the context in which this concept was born of nation, in which it is believed or made to believe that all armed conflicts are the result of illegitimate ambitions of dynastic regimes. At this point we do not need to add much more, since it is undeniable that with nationalism wars have multiplied, they have become more massive, bloodier and in some cases they have even escalated to become in supracontinental conflicts. In addition, new ways of waging war have appeared, such as the guerrilla system and other terms that did not exist before such as conscription or compulsory military service. Also the concept of total war is also born with nationalism, since wars ceased to be a struggle for the control of a border where the population stayed in their land watching only as their governor became one another, to become a conflict in which thousands of people are forced to move from their towns because of these conflicts, conflicts which have also been much more deadly than the previous ones.

Another promise that was never fulfilled would be that of ending oppression, since as we have seen at the beginning this concept of nation was strongly linked to freedom and equality, really then, it was considered that this oppression was only consequence of dynastic empires and that once within the national framework all would be considered equal. A point that obviously could not be further from reality since nationalism has undoubtedly increased the hatred between different sectors of the population, producing from persecutions to genocides more than once, to highlight among others the Armenian genocide by the Turks or anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany. In addition to all the episodes of armed violence or not also by national liberation groups such as ETA in the national case or the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka, also caused by this appearance of exacerbated nationalisms.

Finally, the last unfulfilled promise that will be highlighted in this article will be the promise of a cultural springtime unprecedented in history. Despite this promise, from the first moment nationalism has created very closed cultural spaces at its borders, creating systems that despise functionality in favor of serving the interests of the nation, a fact that cuts the wings of young people in a clear and obvious way who see their interests being sacrificed in the name of national culture. However, technological progress has not been slowed down and cultural traits are spreading faster and faster despite the attempts of these nations to limit it. Seeing all the problems that have appeared with nationalism, what alternatives are there? Here everyone has their own way of thinking, but at least consider the existence of States that are little more than administrative corporations of a geographical scope without sovereign pretensions, and where democracy loses importance in favor of freedoms and human rights.

Background to the Arab revolts of the early 20th century

Background to the Arab revolts of the early 20th century. Since the end of the 19th century, the internal fragmentation of the Ottoman Empire has been so great that there is a constant threat of European powers intervening. Faced with this situation, the Sultan is forced to enact a series of reforms, known as the Tanzimat, which aim to promote economic and educational development, especially with the obvious intention of culturally homogenizing the territory and favoring the more isolated regions or with less financial resources.

Despite these actions, the reformist attempts arrive late and do not prevent a revolutionary movement from being unleashed in 1908, a movement that, starting from the Balkans, will expand and take on a much larger dimension when intellectuals join it. This revolutionary movement born with the ultimate goal of achieving a constitutional government would be led among others by the Young Turks, young military men and intellectuals who organize and put themselves in charge because they consider it their duty, practically as if it were a pedagogical mission. it was treated

To describe the situation that will be experienced in 1908, the Arabic concept Inqilab is sometimes used, very similar to the term overthrow, although at the beginning at no time would the unity of the Empire be questioned, so it would be more convenient to speak of reforms If it is true, however, that as the authorities respond violently, the movement is increasingly taking on an anti-imperialist character due to the hatred generated by many of the figure of the sultan who is also the caliph, for which he exercises as religious leader as well as supreme governor of his territory.

This fact is what makes the already proclaimed Revolution of 1908 become a religious revolution. The religious change has thus become an opportunity to achieve a sought-after background, to achieve more individual freedoms. With this situation and thanks to intellectuals like Al Kawakibi an idea will begin to spread throughout the empire and that in some cases will transcend its borders, Islam needs a renewal movement that raises several issues that until now had not been addressed, such as the role of women in society, an aspect on which the journalist Abd al-Qadir al-Maghribi would particularly focus. And as a result of these approaches, newspapers and schools of thought dedicated to discussing these issues would be founded.

Faced with this situation and due to the decreasing support within the Empire, the caliph would be forced first to restore the Constitution, and then, if that was not enough, to give up. In this way, the Young Turks would take power by promising the people to take charge of all these reforms that had been proposed at the beginning and that over time it would be evident that they would not be implemented. Although at the beginning it seemed that an unprecedented change would be noticed in Ottoman territory, the beginning of the First World War had great effects on the territory since, in order to stay in the conflict, the authorities launched a policy of deprivation and inquiries that led to great famines. In addition, in 1915 the forced deportations and massacres dictated by the authorities would begin, against some peoples such as the Armenians, thus demonstrating that the situation in the Empire was increasingly unstable and that disenchantment with the Young Turks was growing exponentially especially forced to some points of this tottering power.

Background to the Arab revolts of the early 20th century: what it entailed

With this internal situation and as failures were added at the front that led to thousands of casualties among the young people who had been sent to fight for an empire with which they felt less and less represented, they would begin to see uprisings against the authorities. Uprisings that would persist after the resolution of the conflict and that the allied side occupied what was the Great Ottoman Empire deposing the Young Turks, officially the CUP (Committee of Union and Progress), although from this moment many of ‘these pronouncements would come to be called the Arab revolts given the large component of Arabism that would be demonstrated in these acts, in which they also began to consider real emancipation for the first time. So we see that the foreign interference causes a nationalism to begin to appear that could hardly exist before, since before there was no such feeling of belonging to the Ottoman Empire that from this moment on it would appear with the Arab identity , with which they increasingly felt identified by all the symbolic load it carried.

Although these movements would become much more evident after the arrival of foreign powers, we already have in 1916 the Great Arab Revolt whose ultimate goal is to create a unified Arab state to replace the fragmented and inefficient Ottoman Empire that with the CUP in power aims to isolate and ignore Arab interests in favor of the Turks. A revolt on the other hand, supported by the English and French who would take advantage of the Arab discontent to divide and weaken the Ottoman Empire that fought on the side of the Central Powers during the war.

Over time, and as this Arab revolt gained more strength, both the English and the French withdrew their support as they understood that it could be dangerous for their interests this union of territories with aspirations of political emancipation that it achieves, all and that does not yet have a clear design, finally independence.

Despite having ceased to count on foreign support, the hatred against everything linked to the Turkish ruling elites who have so harshly punished the Arab cause is so great that in some parts of the damaged Empire increasingly stronger Arab organizations appear, such as it is the case of the Arab Kingdom in Syria led by Faysal, son of the sheriff of Mecca. This Arab Kingdom, although it would cease to exist as such a little more than four months after its official independence after the defeat against the French, would evidence this desire to create a great Arab state, the dreamed Greater Syria that never it would materialize due precisely to this foreign interference, because the region would be divided in two according to the Sykes-Picot agreements between the English and the French.

With these agreements, the guardianship regime would begin to be applied as such, legitimate according to article 20 of the statute of the League of Nations in the case of a territory constantly agitated by disputes or revolts. From this moment, therefore, the French could manage the territory that had been assigned to them as they thought necessary in the same way as the French would do in their part. So, everyone would manage the situation in their own way and while the French focused on benefiting the interests of Christians in the area by proclaiming the independence of Greater Lebanon, with a Christian majority, in 1920, it was the English who had to in charge of an even more sensitive situation they consider that Iraq should be granted a theoretical independence, although always under their tutelage, while in Palestine they chose to remain to some extent on the sidelines, especially after the Balfour declaration in favor of Jewish interests worried the Arabs in the area.

It is thus observed that the feeling of pan-Arabism is not something recent, but transcends time. Already since the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire has been a dying colossus and its last tail blows directly affect the Arab territories since the CUP at first and then the European powers, relieved them in the background causing the unrest that would end in time leading them to rise up against the status quo with the intention of creating a state that fits their claims, claims that otherwise had been ignored all this time and would cause great misfortunes with time.